Posted
on Sun, Sep. 15, 2002
Miss Charles speaks
FIRST OF TWO EXCERPTS FROM "OUR LAND BEFORE WE DIE"
Jeff Guinn
Star-Telegram Staff Writer
One
day in summer 1994, Star-Telegram Books Editor Jeff Guinn headed to
Brackettville, Texas, to write a newspaper story on the little-known
past of the Seminole Negro, whose descendants still live in the dusty
little town. This journey inspired his book, Our Land Before We Die:
The Proud Story of the Seminole Negro , published this week and nominated
for both the Pulitzer Prize and National Book Award by publisher Tarcher/Putnam.
It is the first oral history of the Seminole Negro ever written. Guinn's
book tells us of a people who sought shelter in the shadow of a tribe
whose land and welfare already hung in the balance. And yet in their
tireless journey -- from Florida to Indian Territory in Oklahoma,
on the 700-mile flight from persecution that took them across the
Rio Grande into Mexico, and then back across the Rio Grande to Texas
-- they never surrendered hope of attaining land of their own. But
that hope was continually thwarted; in 1914, after decades of dedicated,
distinguished performance as scouts in battles against the Comanche,
Apache and border outlaws, the Seminole Negro were marched at gunpoint
off the grounds of Fort Clark in Brackettville. The government had
no more use for them, or for the agreement the tribe believed had
guaranteed them land of their own in return for their service. Still,
modern-day descendants celebrate Seminole Heritage Days each year
on the third Saturday in September -- and still hope for land of their
own.
Today,
and in Monday's Life & Arts section, we print excerpts from the
prologue and Chapter One.
Miss
Charles Speaks
PROLOGUE
Miss
Charles Emily Wilson, last survivor of the Seminole Negro camp on
Fort Clark across from Brackettville in South Texas, doesn't organize
the Seminole Heritage Days celebration anymore. She has what her Brackettville
friends call "the Alzheimer's," and has been moved 70 miles
away to a niece's home in Kerrville.
It
was 18 years ago that the 91-year-old retired schoolteacher, known
to everyone as "Miss Charles," declared there had to be
an annual Brackettville event celebrating the rich history of the
Seminole Negro. With the tribe's modern-day young people getting so
distracted by television and video games, Miss Charles warned, the
storytelling tradition of the Seminole Negro was fast disappearing.
Tribal
descendants had scattered around the Southwest after the terrible
day in 1914 when the United States Army, having run out of uses for
scouts on horseback, evicted them from the shady Las Moras Creek village
on Fort Clark land where they'd lived for more than 40 years. Miss
Charles herself was the last one left who'd been there when the empty
wagons arrived, who saw the soldiers with their guns and heard the
old people crying when they were left on the Brackettville streets
to survive or starve -- the Army didn't care anymore.
The
story of the Seminole Negro was so glorious, going back to the days
when the Spanish owned Florida and escaped slaves eagerly ran south.
There was so much everyone, not just the Seminole Negro children,
should know about the great chiefs, the great battles -- how the Seminole
Negro fought the U.S. Army in Florida, then helped the Mexicans guard
their borders, then returned to Texas to show the Americans how to
finally beat down the Apache. Whole history books could have, should
have, been filled with these things.
But
historians overlooked the Seminole Negro. Only tribal bards told the
stories, and there were fewer of them as years passed and people died
or drifted away. Now, Miss Charles said she was getting on, her memory
might weaken at any time, and after she was gone, knowledge of all
those great and terrible times still had to be passed down from one
generation to the next, or else everything that had happened to the
Seminole Negro would be forgotten, and the blood and tears shed over
centuries would come to nothing.
So
they chose the third Saturday in September, when the blast-furnace
South Texas heat abates a little. Miss Charles and other tribal elders
conferred with Brackettville leaders. Traditionally, whites among
the 1,700 or so town residents never cared much for their dark-skinned
neighbors, whose numbers had steadily dwindled over the years, though
many Brackettville Hispanics, comprising about half the population,
had some Seminole Negro blood in them. But times had changed enough
so everyone agreed it would be good for the community as a whole to
have a Seminole Negro celebration.
Miss
Charles orchestrated everything -- a parade, the wearing of traditional
turbans and cloaks, gospel singing, dancing in the cool of the evening
and, above all, time for the children to hear the tales of Abraham
and John Horse, of the slaves who ran away to Florida and the Seminole
tribe that welcomed them; about fighting the American Army to a bloody
draw in the early 1800s, then relocating to Indian Territory; the
treachery that awaited the Seminole Negro there and the amazing exodus
to Mexico that, 150 years later, still seems almost impossible to
comprehend, it was so awful and yet so brave; then the fine service
to the Mexican government and the request from the Americans to come
back to Texas. Help us defeat the Apache and we'll give you land of
your own, that was the promise, and, though the promise was broken
by the white men, the tribe's children needed to know, to be proud,
that their ancestors, the Black Indian scouts, more than kept their
part of the bargain.
For
13 years, Seminole Days went almost according to plan. The 35 or so
Seminole Negro families left in town were joined by a few hundred
scout descendants who came back to visit from Oklahoma or Mexico or
wherever they had drifted, some from as far away as California and
Illinois. They didn't come for the scenery -- Brackettville is a charmless
hamlet between Uvalde and Del Rio that ceased to have a reason to
exist when Fort Clark was shut down in 1946. The surrounding countryside
is flinty and desolate.
When
John Wayne wanted to film The Alamo someplace so isolated that nobody
would bother his cast and crew, where he could blow up buildings and
not have to worry about scarring the countryside, he chose a ranch
just outside town. Filming ran three weeks over schedule in part because
hundreds of rattlesnakes had to be cleared off the set every morning.
Brackettville is a place most people don't go on purpose, except for
the oasislike grounds of adjacent Fort Clark, and rights to any of
that land were unceremoniously taken from the Seminole Negro in 1914.
No,
scout descendants came because they loved Miss Charles -- she had
taught most of them, or their parents, or their cousins, in elementary
school -- and because the Seminole Negro value family ties with a
devotion almost unimaginable to outsiders who haven't shared their
generations of incredible struggle. If the crowd never seemed to include
as many young people as Miss Charles had hoped, well, perhaps they
would be more interested next year. Saturday's events went on from
morning until dark, and on Sunday there were outdoor services in the
tiny tribal cemetery outside town, the only property the Seminole
Negro have been able to retain. Four Medal of Honor winners are buried
in that cemetery, but their descendants must ask permission before
visiting the Fort Clark site where Adam Payne, John Ward, Isaac Payne
and Pompey Factor once lived.
So
for years the annual get-together was a success. Occasionally, people
would talk about how Miss Charles was looking frail, probably it was
time for somebody else to really jump in and take over, but it is
human nature to take people like her for granted. Then Miss Charles
turned 90, and suddenly she couldn't remember anyone's name. Now she's
brought down from Kerrville as guest of honor, but it isn't the same.
Nobody
can tell the old stories like Miss Charles, except maybe Willie Warrior,
and he's in his 70s, has heart disease and doesn't get along well
with the younger officers of the Seminole Indian Scouts Cemetery Association,
the group organized by Miss Charles to tend the cemetery and serve
as de facto keepers of the tribal flame. So the speakers now are less
interesting -- they lack rhythm, and they take an hour to say what
Miss Charles or Willie Warrior could have told better in 10 minutes.
The heat seems more oppressive, too, and the teen-agers still don't
come. A cynic might even point out that more people ride in the parade
than line up to watch it; Brackettville's nontribal citizenry apparently
has better things to do with its third Saturday morning every September.
But
the beer is free. Area Budweiser and Coors distributors make generous
donations. The barbecued goat is tasty, and old friends enjoy seeing
each other again. Though Willie Warrior isn't fond of him, current
association president Clarence Ward is a great genial bear of a fellow.
And there, all dressed up and looking pretty, is Miss Charles, now
gaunt instead of plump but still, at age 91, able to sit on a parade
float and wave vaguely at old friends she can no longer recognize.
Most of the "floats" are just pickups dotted with flowers
fashioned from Kleenex, but Miss Charles' float is an elaborate, if
tiny, reproduction of the wood huts in which the scout families used
to live along Las Moras Creek. She sits in front of the hut on a high-backed
chair, looking regal.
After
the parade is over, everyone troops to the tiny park Brackettville
has set aside for the Scout Association. Forty-five minutes are given
over to well-meaning speakers who are more confusing than informative
when they try to pay tribute to the Seminole Negro's noble history.
Awards are given for the best parade floats, and then two staffers
from San Antonio's Institute of Texan Cultures make remarks -- at
least they get the facts right, though their presentations are more
scholarly than entertaining. With the Seminole Negro storytellers
all but gone, the institute's exhibit delineating the tribe's past
may soon be the best record that ever existed.
Through
it all, Miss Charles sits quietly on a metal folding chair in the
front row. Each speaker makes a point of praising her. When she hears
her name mentioned, she smiles and waves. At one point she's even
called to the microphone --"This wouldn't be Seminole Days without
a word from Miss Charles," somebody cries. In a reedy voice,
tottering in the warm breeze, Miss Charles says everybody looks nice.
Then she sits back down.
After
the program, many of the men head for the free beer. The women hug
each other and exclaim over dresses and jewelry. There is endless
talk involving family -- who married whom, where they might be living
now, trying to learn the whereabouts of as many third cousins as possible.
The few children in attendance amuse themselves playing on some rickety
swings and climbing bars. Even in mid-September, it is still blazingly
hot, as it has been since May. A few weeks earlier, using the weather
as an instructive example, the marquee of Brackettville's Frontier
Baptist Church noted, "Hell Is A Lot Hotter!!!" Now, Miss
Charles sits on her metal chair, perspiring but still smiling.
"So
nice to see you, Miss Charles," she is told over and over. "You
look so well."
"Thank
you," Miss Charles responds politely. Her eyes are cloudy.
Then,
gradually, the memories return. The reason she proposed Seminole Heritage
Days is somehow back, burning in her mind. Miss Charles twists a little
in her chair, looks up at the people all around, most now turned away
from her and chatting about jobs and families and who's had three
of those free beers already when, Lord, it isn't much past noon.
Seminole Woman
"Our
people . . ." Miss Charles begins. Her voice fades for a moment,
but her eyes seem to focus better, and she sits up straight and tries
again, talking to people's backs and elbows and not caring, because
the words are so important to her, it is crucial to get the story
told the right way, with all the good and bad things that happened.
"Our
people were originally from Africa," Miss Charles declares. "We
came to America as slaves hundreds of years ago. Soon many of us chose
to run away. We fled south, to Florida, and there were taken in by
the Seminole . . ." Her voice weakens. She slumps a little. But
her eyes remain bright. She is remembering. If she can just get her
breath, she'll try telling the story again.
"They
ran," Miss Charles says, softly but clearly. "They ran,
and finally they saw -- "
Chapter
One
The
first things they saw, as they followed a path through the prickly
brush into a clearing, were the fields. Corn was being grown there;
the stalks waved in the soft breeze. The air was rich with the odors
of tilled earth, animal droppings, cooking food, and oranges and lemons.
At least, that's the way it probably was. Miss Charles always admitted
she couldn't be certain what those first runaway slaves saw, or even
who they were. No records were kept then, not by escaping slaves or
the Seminole who took them in.
"But
we know they ran there and were welcomed," Miss Charles recalled
in 1994 on the first morning that I met her. We sat in the darkened
living room of her clapboard house in Brackettville. Like most houses
there, it was box-shaped with a tiny yard whose spiky grass had been
blasted a dull yellow color by the relentless sun. The living-room
curtains were drawn and only one dim light was on. As a retired schoolteacher
who had to be careful with her pension dollars, Miss Charles kept
a watchful eye on her electricity bill. Like everyone else in Brackettville,
she was already expending endless wattage that summer on air conditioning.
At 10 a.m., the temperature outside was already in the mid-90s. Miss
Charles' house was cooled by a couple of cranky window units. The
one in the living room, straining to combat the heat, groaned rather
than hummed. The noise almost drowned out Miss Charles' hushed voice.
I'd
come to Brackettville on assignment from my newspaper. Like many Texans,
for years I'd heard fragmentary tales about a black Indian tribe down
by the Texas-Mexico border. They were supposed to have helped the
Army defeat the Comanche and Apache. There were Medals of Honor involved,
and a cemetery. But for most of us, these Seminole Negro, whoever
they really were, remained more rumor than legend.
When
I finally took time to consider it, the black Indian story seemed
interesting enough to follow up. There was surprisingly little reference
material about the Seminole Negro in the downtown Fort Worth library.
From the limited sources of a few articles from scholarly magazines
and a mention in The Handbook of Texas, published by the Texas State
Historical Association, it seemed the tribe's history broke down into
well-defined sections.
Its
origin involved runaway slaves reaching Florida and being adopted
by the Seminole Indians. After the Second Seminole War, the Seminole
Negro were shipped off to Indian Territory in Oklahoma. Persecuted
and miserable there, they embarked on a lengthy escape across Texas
and down into Mexico, where they fought Indians for the Mexican government.
After the Civil War, the Seminole Negro came back to Texas, where
their men served as scouts for the United States, tracking marauding
Comanche and Apache. Several scouts won the Medal of Honor. In 1914,
the army eliminated the scouts, some of whose descendants still lived
in the tiny West Texas town of Brackettville. There was just enough
sketchy information to be intriguing -- at least, enough for the basis
of a Sunday feature story and the chance to get out of the office
for a couple of days.
I
flew from Dallas/Fort Worth International Airport to San Antonio,
rented a car and drove southwest for almost two hours. The land became
progressively harsher. Brackettville, when I arrived, was disappointing.
The town itself was a small, depressing conglomeration of clapboard
shacks, roadside convenience stores and more than a few shuttered
shops that had closed for lack of business. There was a huge sign
by the highway touting Alamo Village, a vast ranch about six miles
north where John Wayne made his epic (if historically inaccurate)
movie, and where other Westerns like Lonesome Dove needing desolate,
harsh-looking locations had later been filmed. There was also a formal
entrance to Fort Clark Springs. The old military installation adjacent
to Brackettville had been turned into a combination residential community/golf
resort. I took a room at the motel there -- the charge came to less
than $40 a night -- and drove to Brackettville's tiny combination
City Hall/police station, where I asked a heavy-set Hispanic woman
at the front desk whom I should talk to about the Seminole Negro.
"That
would be Miss Charles Emily Wilson," she said immediately. "You're
from a newspaper? She's their leader. A retired teacher, you know.
Lovely lady. I'm sure she'll be glad to see you." She turned
her back and made a quick phone call. I could hear a few words --
"reporter" was emphasized. Then the woman turned around
and said Miss Charles would be glad to see me. I was given directions
to her house. They weren't complicated. Brackettville doesn't have
many streets.
Though
I'd later learn she had once been heavy, the 84-year-old woman who
greeted me now had a bony frame. She wore a print dress -- its hemline
reached halfway down her shins -- a gold necklace and just a touch
too much of the sort of sweetish perfume favored by elderly ladies
everywhere. Miss Charles -- "Call me that or Miss Wilson, but
Miss Charles will do" -- also retained a teacher's air of authority.
She invited me inside, pointed to the living-room chair where she
wanted me to sit and, after establishing which newspaper I represented
and that I intended to write a nice story about her people, said she
would tell me all about it.
"I'll
tell you just what I always tell our children," Miss Charles
said. I had to lean forward to hear her. The window air-conditioning
unit was very loud. "Do you know about our Seminole Days celebration
in September? Do you have children of your own? You could come back
then, and bring them to hear the stories."
So
Miss Charles began, saying her people had originally been slaves in
the American Colonies and that they escaped from their white masters,
ran south and were taken in by Seminole in the Spanish colony of Florida.
"When did the first slaves escape and do this?" I interrupted,
scribbling in my notebook. "In what year? What were their names?"
"Oh,
no one knows," Miss Charles replied, sounding slightly impatient.
"Who was there to write down such things? I know what my mother
and father told me, which was what their parents told them, and so
on back through the generations. Just listen to the story. For the
first part, the names don't matter much."
"Well,
do you know how many escaped to the Seminole? Just one or two at first?
Did they come in groups or separately?"
Miss
Charles was clearly not pleased. Adopting the tone she must have used
for decades with especially recalcitrant students, she said, "It's
not certain. I believe they may have come in small groups. Perhaps
six. Half a dozen. That's as good a number as any." Irritation
made her voice slightly more audible above the laboring air conditioner.
Miss Charles began her story again. On this occasion, as on the others
that followed, her reedy tone gradually took on a near-hypnotic rhythm.
She spoke with her eyes closed and her head swaying slightly, no doubt
imagining, as she always hoped her listeners would imagine, the great
saga as it unfolded.
"The
six runaways came into a clearing," Miss Charles said again.
"They looked about them, and then they saw . . ."
They
weren't certain what to expect. They fled south because, like many
blacks in American bondage, they heard there was freedom if you could
elude pursuit and get to what white men called "the Floridas."
But this substantial village surprised them; they stared at it, almost
unable to believe it could be real.
The
so-called Revolutionary War had just ended. American colonists had
overthrown British rule, but it made no real difference in the lives
of their slaves. These half-dozen Africans, all men, perhaps ran away
from a South Carolina plantation months earlier. They came more than
300 miles south, mostly moving at night, stealing food from farms
they passed, staying alert for the sound of hooves or hounds that
would indicate pursuit.
Every
unexpected noise or movement could have meant the slavers were on
them, those men with their guns and chains, eager to drag them back
to where they'd run from. Capture would have meant certain agony,
for runaway slaves could be punished at the discretion of their masters.
No law limited the severity of the discipline -- nose-slitting or
lashings that left backs permanently torn were most common. They could
each have had an ear cut off as punishment, or, if their South Carolina
master was sufficiently furious, they might have been castrated. Hanging
was less common, though not unprecedented, if a master wanted to make
a lasting impression on his remaining slaves. But these six were not
captured.
Instead,
they ran south until, finally, they came to the fabled Spanish town
of St. Augustine, revered by American slaves as the place where white
men allowed black men to be free and gave them tools for farming and
even guns to help protect Florida from invaders. These newcomer slaves
were puzzled when, with signs and broken English, it was indicated
by the white men in St. Augustine that they should keep going south
and west. They did as they were told, and there was relief in knowing
they were probably safe from any American pursuers.
And
now this! It was more than a camp, more than a village -- a town,
a much grander one than the shacks and mucky streets that comprised
many white American communities. Looking past the fields and the hog
pens, the runaways saw many long cabins built from palmetto planks
and thatched with fronds, and they somewhat resembled the huts with
leafy roofs some of these Africans remembered from their native homelands.
This
grand community was undoubtedly the Seminole town of Cuscowilla on
the Alachua Plain, 50 miles southwest of St. Augustine. I deduced
this later from old maps and history books, not Miss Charles, who,
when her tale involved early tribal events in Florida, was much less
specific than she would be regarding the Seminole Negro experience
in Indian Territory, Mexico and Texas. For purposes of pegging Cuscowilla's
location, the modern-day city of Gainesville is in approximately the
same area.
Although
the newcomers didn't know it, the Seminole were relatively recent
Florida arrivals, too. Chief Cowkeeper established Cuscowilla 30 years
earlier, making his peace with the British when they acquired Florida
from Spain in 1763. Had these slaves arrived at Cuscowilla while Cowkeeper
was still chief, in the days before the Americans won their freedom
and chased the English back into Canada or across the great ocean,
they would have had a different reception. Cowkeeper was loyal to
the British and would have returned runaway slaves to their colonists.
But in 1783, with the British reeling from the loss of their American
colonies, Spain took control of the Floridas again. Cowkeeper was
dead. His successor, King Payne, made friends with the Spanish and,
as they did, welcomed escaped blacks.
"Didn't
the Seminole make the blacks their slaves?" I asked Miss Charles.
"You'll
see," she replied, her eyes still closed, her mind still picturing
it all. "It took awhile for everyone to figure out what was what."
The
six black men were directed into town, toward the larger huts in the
center of the village. There they were formally greeted by a particularly
well-dressed man who might have been King Payne. If he didn't happen
to be present, there would have had subchiefs on hand for such duty.
The blacks felt relieved. The extent of the welcome made them hope
they would be allowed to stay. Conversation proved impossible. Besides
their own native Muskogee dialect, the Seminole may have had a few
words of Spanish. The runaway slaves probably knew some English --
white slaveowners did their best to keep slaves ignorant of anything
that might help them to escape -- and, of course, their own native
tongues, but they were not all from the same region of Africa and
had a hard enough time communicating among themselves.
Then
there was a commotion off at the north end of the village, and happy
shouting. Someone else had arrived, several others from the sound
of all the voices, and then the runaways nearly reeled with shock,
because walking up to them were other black men, dressed in the same
bright colors as the Seminole. These Indian-Blacks greeted the runaways
in an odd language that included some English. It was astonishing.
The
six newcomers were urged to their feet. Friendly hands on their shoulders
filled in gaps left by unfamiliar words. The Indian-Blacks led them
out of Cuscowilla, back into the brush, and the runaways wondered
if they were being sent away to fend for themselves. But their new
guides made it clear they were to all stay together, and there was
a path they followed through the brush and past the lemon and orange
trees until, in a clearing perhaps a mile from Cuscowilla, there was
a second village, a smaller one, but the fields and pens and herds
looked the same and the huts were bigger, built better. There was
another, more amazing sight: The men and women and children rushing
to greet them were all black, every one! Some held hoes and other
farming implements. A few men had bows and arrows. One or two cradled
muskets. Since being removed from their native lands, the runaways
had not seen black men with weapons. The sight made them proud.
There
were main huts in the center of this village, too, and the newcomers
were ushered to them. A stooped black man in bright finery stepped
out of one and walked to the runaways with his arms wide in greeting.
The
six new arrivals looked around. After so many years in bondage, it
was hard to comprehend the possibility of free black people in their
own homes. "Where are?" one runaway asked, summoning his
best pidgin English.
The
man considered."A casa ," he finally said. "Home."
And
so six runaway slaves needed to run no farther. In the days ahead,
they would be assimilated into village life. They would be given tools
to cut palmetto trees and build huts, parcels of ground for fields,
seed to sow, weapons for hunting. If they found willing women, they
could take wives. There were rules, of course, in this first camp
of the Seminole Negro, these runaway slaves who aligned themselves
with the Indian tribe. The newcomers had much to learn about their
complicated relationship with their Seminole hosts, and about the
Seminole relationship to the Spanish.
While
they forgot about their old masters for a while, there was little
chance the Americans would let their valuable property get away quite
so easily. The relative tranquility of Cuscowilla and the adjacent
Seminole Negro camp was not going to last much longer. The Americans
wanted their slaves back, and they also wanted Florida. They would
be coming soon.
In
the decades and centuries ahead, critical events in history would
often impact the Seminole Negro, almost always to their detriment.
This moment, this speck of time in the 1780s, might have been when
they were closer to happiness than before or since. Protected by the
Seminole, they were relatively safe. Their numbers grew slowly but
gradually as more escaped American slaves made their way into Florida.
They proved themselves excellent hunters, good farmers, fine builders
-- their fields yielded more crops than the Seminoles' and their huts
were built better, because in their time of bondage to the white man
they became skilled in such useful arts. Seminoles treated their slaves
better than the white man did. It is easy to understand why the Seminole
Negro valued their relative freedom so much and why, soon, they fought
desperately to keep it.
After
an hour or so, Miss Charles began to wear down. Her voice lost its
rhythm; her breathing became thready. When I suggested a break, she
didn't argue.
"Are
you here for some time?" Miss Charles asked. "Will you come
back in the afternoon?"
Part
Two
Posted
on Mon., Sep. 16, 2002
Miss Charles listens
JEFF GUINN
Star-Telegram Staff Writer
Star-Telegram photo by Ron T. Ennis -Miss Charles Wilson stands
near an unmarked grave in the Seminole Indian Scout Cemetery outside
Brackettville, Tex.
One
day in summer 1994, Star-Telegram Books Editor Jeff Guinn headed to
Brackettville, Texas, to write a newspaper story on the little-known
past of the Seminole Negro, whose descendants still live in the dusty
little town. This journey inspired his book, Our Land Before We Die:
The Proud Story of the Seminole Negro, published this week and nominated
for both the Pulitzer Prize and National Book Award by publisher Tarcher/Putnam.
It is the first oral history of the Seminole Negro ever written. Guinn's
book tells of a people who sought shelter in the shadow of a tribe
whose land and welfare already hung in the balance. And yet in their
tireless journey -- from Florida to Indian Territory in Oklahoma,
on the 700-mile flight from persecution that took them across the
Rio Grande into Mexico, and then back across the Rio Grande to Texas
-- they never surrendered hope of attaining land of their own. But
that hope was continually thwarted; in 1914, after decades of dedicated,
distinguished performance as scouts in battles against the Comanche,
Apache and border outlaws, the Seminole Negro were marched at gunpoint
off the grounds of Fort Clark in Brackettville. The government had
no more use for them, or for the agreement the tribe believed had
guaranteed them land of their own in return for their service. Still,
modern-day descendants celebrate Seminole Heritage Days each year
on the third Saturday in September -- and still hope for land of their
own.
The
Star-Telegram chose to print two excerpts (the first ran in Sunday's
Life section) from the prologue and Chapter One. The Sunday excerpt
introduced modern-day tribal matriarch Miss Charles Emily Wilson,
who 18 years ago organized an annual celebration to help Seminole
Negro descendants keep their history alive with a day of parades,
barbecues and, above all, Miss Charles passing down the oral history
of her people. But now Miss Charles has Alzheimer's disease. She is
brought to Seminole Heritage Days by relatives and welcomed there
by old friends whose names she can no longer recall. Still, as other
would-be historians stumble through speeches, Miss Charles begins
remembering, and once again launches into the tale of how escaped
slaves from British colonies ran away to Florida and were taken in
there by the Seminole tribe. The Seminoles, too, practiced slavery,
although a more benign version than that of the whites.
On
Sunday, through flashbacks to his interviews with Miss Charles years
ago, Guinn took readers through the early years of the blacks' existence
among the Seminole. In today's excerpt, Miss Charles explores the
tribe's gradual disenchantment with being kept in any sort of slavery.
From
Chapter One
I
stayed in Brackettville for five days and came back again afterward.
The more I learned about the Seminole Negro, the more I wanted to
know. Besides doing my own research, I spent several mornings and
afternoons with Miss Charles in her dark living room and many more
hours with Willie Warrior, her old pupil who succeeded her as tribal
historian. They were really the only two Seminole Negro descendants
left who knew enough to be mesmerizing storytellers.
But
even their knowledge had gaps, mostly concerning the tribe's early
years in Florida. Once the great U.S.-Seminole Wars concluded and
the Seminole Negro were transferred to Indian Territory, there were
government records, many letters, and a few books and other documentation.
But of the Seminole Negro in Florida very little was recorded, and,
apparently, the early tribal storytellers didn't provide much detail.
Recourse
to history books and non-Seminole Negro historians, though, provided
me with background to more fully appreciate Miss Charles' first tales
of the anonymous half-dozen slaves, and to flesh out what she and
Willie told me later. The existence of the Seminole Negro resulted,
as most cultures had to, from merging forces of history. That there
were blacks seeking freedom; that they fled to Florida above all other
regions of the North American continent; that the Seminole tribe was
there to greet and shelter them -- these were separate elements that,
through chance or some higher design, came together in that place
and time.
Later,
when I shared what I'd learned with Miss Charles, she listened raptly,
leaning forward but usually with her eyes closed. I could easily imagine
her sorting through what she was hearing, deciding which facts could
be incorporated into her own tale-telling. It had been necessary,
I said, to go back some 350 years from the time the first slaves ran
to the Seminole in Florida. To understand all that was going to happen,
I'd needed to begin with the development and eventual collision of
three historic facts -- slavery in the New World, the colonial ambitions
of Spain and the decision by members of the Creek tribe to break away
and form their own nation.
"Oh,
yes," Miss Charles said. "Let me get some paper." She
rummaged in a desk drawer and brought out a pad and pencil. Then she
gestured for me to begin.
Slavery
came first. In 1415, Portugal became the first European nation to
actively participate in the slave trade. Spain and the Netherlands
became heavily involved. For a long time, France and England participated
to a lesser extent. In Europe, there was limited use for uneducated
African slaves. There was not an endless amount of land to be tilled
and harvested. But, across a great ocean, there were new economies
that could only flourish with an immense influx of slave labor.
Early
on in their New World colonies, the British didn't dabble in the African
slave trade. As in England, indentured servants provided the first
labor for American colonial masters. When British colonists did experiment
with slave labor, they used captured American Indians. That plan failed
miserably. The Indians were still in their homeland; it was easy for
them to escape. Members of their tribes often skulked about and stole
them back. So when Indians didn't prove suitable, and the number of
available indentured servants dropped off -- this New World was, by
wide repute, a dangerous place, and poor, young Englishmen were reluctant
to gamble on a period of indenture in return for eventual freedom
if they survived -- African slaves suddenly seemed necessary.
In
a very real sense, blacks were brought to America from Africa to die.
Three or four Africans in 10 died on the slave ships crossing the
Atlantic Ocean. On average, the slave who survived the voyage lived
five years after arriving in the British colonies. Measles and influenza
killed them. Living in shanties and rough lean-tos, many died of exposure.
Some were worked to death, with no more value assigned to their lives
than those of mules that dropped in the traces of a plow. A percentage
died from beatings, and it was not unknown for slaves to commit suicide.
So
slaves faced hard choices. Once sold to an owner and put to work on
his property, each captive African could, of course, accept his or
her sad fate and work resignedly until freed by death. Fighting back
was almost certainly fatal. A single armed slave was easy for whites
to subdue and execute; rebelling in a group only meant more Africans
would die. Trying to run away, individually or as part of a group,
was also risky. Recapture would certainly mean terrible punishment,
and even if white pursuers could be eluded, there were hostile Indians
everywhere who might either kill Africans or enslave blacks themselves.
But
among the three choices -- work until death, fight until death, run
until captured or free -- one had, in modern jargon, the best upside.
The healthiest, strongest slaves looked for chances to run away. The
potential penalties for a failed escape -- beating, mutilation, even
execution -- weren't that much worse than everyday pain endured in
the fields. So, many slaves tried to run.
"How
many?" Miss Charles asked. "I don't know," I admitted.
"Most people then didn't keep accurate records."
"I
told you," she said, grinning. "But they all wanted to come
south, didn't they? To Florida."
Africans
fleeing masters in northern colonies could try for Canada. But there
were fewer blacks in the north, and towns were closer together. There
was less room to hide, and dark skin was more conspicuous. To the
west were the Allegheny Mountains, and Indians who were as dangerous
to runaway slaves as the masters they were fleeing. To the east was
the Atlantic Ocean -- no hope there.
But
to the south was Florida, territory of the Spanish, and many black
slaves in the British colonies dreamed of escaping to Florida, where
Africans were allowed to be free.
From
the moment in October 1492 when Christopher Columbus and his crew
spied land -- not mainland America, of course, but an island, which
Columbus named San Salvador -- the Spanish were eager to conquer and
occupy as much New World territory as possible. While the British
wanted land and the French pursued trade, Spain wanted everything,
especially the fabulous treasures its explorers believed were waiting
to be taken from the native people who had accumulated them.
In
the so-called New World, Spain concentrated on Mexico -- "New
Spain"-- and the north and west South American coasts (there
was an agreement with Portugal that left the interior of South America
for Portuguese occupation). But the Spanish had one other colonial
holding.
In
1513, Juan Ponce de León landed near the spot where, one day,
Jacksonville would be built. Having come to the New World as a member
of Columbus' first colony on Hispaniola, Ponce de León had
a grant from the king to find and settle additional new lands, with
any natives being forced into slavery and given as property to Spanish
colonists. Not an especially observant explorer, Ponce de León
thought he had landed on an island. He sailed his ships south and
west, charting a unique, finger-shaped coastline, and named the "island"
Florida.
Spain's
main colonial focus was elsewhere. New Spain and its South American
holdings held the promise of gold, or at least access to further vast
expanses of land to conquer. Florida was oddly shaped, cratered with
swamps, and full of angry natives who declined to be conquered. But
Spain needed Florida. England was in the process of establishing colonies
all down America's Atlantic coast and extending west with the colony
named Georgia. Spain required its own foothold in this portion of
the American continent.
In
1565, King Philip II's colonists built St. Augustine on the east Florida
coast between the Atlantic Ocean and the St. Johns River. The settlers
there were able to stave off initial Indian attacks and gradually
began making friends with the natives. Catholic priests were sent
to St. Augustine with specific instructions to bring red-skinned heathens
to Christ, but soon lacked potential converts. Florida Indians seemed
especially vulnerable to European diseases. Within a few years, these
native tribes -- the Tocobaga, Chilucan, Yustaga, Oconee, Pensacola
and several others -- virtually disappeared. Perhaps 1,000 American
Indians were left in all of Florida.
Spain
allowed its Florida colonists to own black slaves. The few remaining
American Indians were tolerated, not annihilated. The central Florida
plains offered some opportunity for farming, and game was plentiful.
Besides deer, there were bear and wild pigs and even panthers. Lush
citrus fruit was readily available. It became apparent Florida had
great potential as a place to live, raise crops and hunt. The quirky
Florida coastline offered all sorts of possibilities for ports. Fishing
in its coastal waters was prime.
None
of this escaped the notice of English colonists who spread down the
Eastern seaboard. Settlers in South Carolina and Georgia felt no obligation
to stop moving south. As more slaves were imported into these British
colonies, their owners had greater interest in expanding their land
holdings. In the 1680s, British colonists in Georgia and the Carolinas
approached the Creek nation, one of the largest among all American
Indian confederations, with the suggestion that the Creek raid Spanish
settlements in Florida. The Creek were well-organized and essentially
autocratic. Chiefs -- called miccos -- required taxes from their subjects,
using the crops collected in this way to benefit poorer tribal members.
The Creek also kept slaves, including some Africans sold or given
to them by white colonists. The British/Creek alliance was a substantial
danger to Spanish Florida.
Since
the British and Creek made a habit of raiding Florida, the Spanish
wanted armed manpower more than slave labor. They not only welcomed
escaping slaves, they encouraged them to send word back to the Carolinas
and Georgia that there were opportunities in Florida for runaways
to be completely free. They would have to take instruction in Catholicism.
And they would, of course, have to be willing to bear arms on behalf
of their new Spanish friends.
In
1704, Gov. Jose de Zuniga y Cerda of Florida's Apalachee Province
declared that "any negro of Carolina, Christian or not, free
or slave, who wishes to come fugitive, will be [granted] complete
liberty, so that those who do not want to stay here [in this area
of Florida] may pass to other places as they see fit, with their freedom
papers which I hereby grant them by word of the king."
Miss
Charles asked me to spell the governor's name for her. When I did,
checking it carefully against my notes, she wrote it down on her own
notepad. I asked why she wanted to know.
"I
know about Ponce de León, of course," she said. "But
not this Governor Cerda. Now, if one of our children asks me about
him, I can answer."
"I
don't think any of them will ask you that," I said.
"Children
are a wonder," Miss Charles replied. "Someday, one of them
might."
In
February of 1739, Florida Gov. Manuel de Montiano built a coastal
fortress a few miles north of St. Augustine. He invited free blacks
to populate it; Gracia Real de Santa Teresa de Mose, more commonly
known as Fort Mose, was the first free black community in North America.
Spain did its best to make Fort Mose attractive to Africans. Seed
and tools for farming were provided, and food was sent in until the
first crops could be raised. There was a priest assigned to the fort
for religious instruction. Cannon were placed on the ramparts. Muskets
were issued to men who wanted them, and most did. The only obligation
placed on the Africans living there was to help defend Florida against
invaders.
Word
about Fort Mose spread quickly to slaves in the southern British colonies.
The colonists and the English army personnel stationed in the southern
regions of their American colonies decided they had only one option
-- to invade Florida, destroy St. Augustine and Fort Mose, and, they
hoped, drive out the Spanish colonists forever. All they needed was
an excuse.
In
October, they got one. Britain declared war on Spain over Spanish
harassment of English shipping. It was known as the War of Jenkins'
Ear, because British sea captain Robert Jenkins supposedly had his
ear hacked off by Spaniards near the coast of Cuba. British colonists
in America marched south into Florida and attacked St. Augustine.
They were amazed to find the city's
defenders
included several hundred black soldiers. The Africans received the
same pay and benefits as Spanish enlistees and fought under the command
of black officers.
Though
St. Augustine withstood the attack, Fort Mose didn't. Enough of its
buildings were destroyed that the Africans living there had to be
relocated to St. Augustine. It was 1752 before it was rebuilt and
became an African stronghold again.
Britain's
colonies in the New World eventually had trouble on two fronts. In
1754, the extended French and Indian War broke out between the English
and French. England was trying to extend its colonies west of the
Allegheny Mountains, and the French felt they already had claimed
the land there.
Even
with the British also fighting France, and even with its contingents
of black soldiers, Spain was still handicapped in efforts to retain
Florida. Colonists in Georgia encouraged the Creek to stage hit-and-run
attacks on Spanish colonies; the Creek especially welcomed the raids
because it enabled them to capture Africans who would serve as tribal
slaves.
Eventually,
the Treaty of Paris in 1763 temporarily ended both the English-Spanish
and English-French conflicts. But by the time the War of Jenkins'
Ear was over, there was a new player in Florida, perhaps the critical
mass in the violent explosion of war that would come 50 years later.
"This
is where the Seminole come in, isn't it?" I asked Miss Charles
on my first day with her.
"I
know something about that, but Willie Warrior knows more," she
said. It was late in the afternoon. After leaving Miss Charles earlier,
I'd looked round Brackettville to find someplace to eat. I knew there
was a restaurant on the old fort grounds near my motel, but I didn't
want to drive back across the highway. Instead, I cruised the limited
blocks of Brackettville and found exactly one cafe. It was called
the Krazy Chicken. The menu consisted of a few things fried in grease.
I ate a hamburger there and was immediately sorry. Afterward, I poked
around town, killing time until I thought Miss Charles had sufficient
time to rest. I passed one grocery and two video stores. There was
a small public library, but no bookstore or movie theater.
When
I got back to her house, the temperature outside was well over 100
degrees. The air conditioner in the living room window couldn't compete
with such heat. The air inside was warm and sticky. Miss Charles blotted
herself with a Kleenex.
"Willie
and some girl from a college were talking about where the Seminole
got their name," she said. "She was telling him things,
and he was laughing at her. I think he said nobody knows about the
name, they just think they know. Have you talked to Willie yet?"
I
said I was going to see him the next day in Del Rio, a town some 30
miles west of Brackettville. I'd called from a pay phone outside the
Krazy Chicken -- the helpful woman at City Hall had given me his phone
number, too. A man with a deep voice on the other end of the line
identified himself as Dub Warrior, and when I asked for Willie Warrior,
he said that was his name, too.
"He's
a good one," Miss Charles said proudly. "He and his wife,
Ethel, are both in the Scout Association. He goes to schools all the
time to give talks. He can tell you all about the Seminole."
Historians
have argued for years where the name Seminole comes from. Some believe
it is a bastardized term from the old Creek language. Others insist
it is a corrupted pronunciation of the Spanish word Cimarron. Most
agree Seminole is suppose to mean runaway. What is important is why
there was a newly formed Indian conglomerate known collectively as
the Seminole, because it would directly affect the eventual relationship
between the Seminole and the black runaways the newly hatched tribe
took in.
Early
in the 1700s, the Spanish realized they needed more inhabitants in
the Florida lands between Georgia and the Carolinas and St. Augustine.
This would make it more difficult for the English colonists to conduct
raids. Runaway slaves weren't numerous enough to occupy sufficient
territory. Prospective Spanish colonists were mostly sent to New Spain
and South America. So the same European power that gleefully slaughtered
natives by the hundreds of thousands in New Spain rolled out the proverbial
welcome mat in Florida to Indians who wanted to come and live there.
As it happened, there were some Indians who were pleased to be invited.
Small
bands began breaking away from the Lower Creek nation; these pushed
south and east into Florida. Various struggles between colonists and
Indians to the north drove additional American Indians south. So long
as they would comply with Spanish rule, they were welcome in Florida.
Chief
Cowkeeper and his Oconis established primacy among the newcomers,
who were also joined by surviving members of Florida's indigenous
tribes. A less stringent form of Creek government was enacted. Each
village chief could assess taxes from crops and generally oversee
daily life. Designated from among the village chiefs would be a few
principal chiefs, who collectively would make decisions on behalf
of the entire tribal nation. "Nation" might give the impression
of greater numbers than were initially in Florida. Perhaps 2,000 Seminole
lived there by the end of the 1700s. The tribe's numbers continued
to swell as more Indians left the Creek and migrated east.
These
newcomers were allowed to build on land unoccupied by the Spanish.
Unlike many tribes in the western plains and Southwest, the Seminole
built permanent villages. They meant to stay. They were primarily
farmers and hunters.
And,
from the beginning of their Florida existence, the Seminole had slaves.
Their system of vassalage was more benign than that of the Creek.
Slaves, captured in battles with other tribes, had their own lands,
huts and weapons. They were required to give a portion of their crop
to their owners. Slaves and owners intermarried, most often Seminole
men and slave women. Monogamy was not required of Seminole males.
Different
tribes joining to form the Seminole nation spoke different languages.
It would be the 1820s before the Muskogee tongue of the Lower Creeks
became the most common means of verbal communication. They learned
some Spanish, too, but in 1763 they abruptly needed to learn English,
when European powers met, negotiated and ended up trading large tracts
of land in the New World. Spain received the French holdings west
of the Alleghenies. Spain also received Cuba from England. England
got Florida from Spain.
Immediately,
the Spanish shipped most of their black Floridian allies off to Cuba
and other island holdings. English colonists from the Carolinas and
Georgia rushed into Florida searching for runaway slaves, and some
were recaptured. But many black refugees stayed in the Florida swamps;
other freedmen booked passage to Spanish islands in the Caribbean.
As
English settlers swarmed in, they brought slaves with them. The British
made friends with the Seminole, who had no reason to particularly
miss the Spanish. The Indians noted how ownership of Africans conferred
social status on English owners. The richer Seminole began to buy
occasional black slaves for themselves. The British also made a habit
of awarding slaves to various Seminole chiefs. These were known as
"King's gifts."
From
the beginning, the Seminole had to decide what to do with their slaves.
They certainly had no intention of imposing the same harsh rules as
the white men and Creek did. The Seminole-owned Africans were given
tools and instructed to build huts of their own, in villages adjacent
to but separate from those of the Indians. The blacks had seed to
plant their own crops. Some even received a few cattle or pigs to
start their own herds. They were expected to share part of their harvests
with their owners, but in all, blacks quickly discovered that being
a slave among the Seminole was far preferable to white man's bondage.
On a daily basis, they were as free as the Seminole themselves, and
most often called Seminole Negro -- Black Seminole.
Word
of this spread among slaves still held in the Carolinas and Georgia,
and to slaves of white masters in Florida. These Africans kept running
away, running south and east -- but now they were running to the Seminole,
not to the Spanish. Some of the chiefs who were especially loyal to
Britain, Cowkeeper in particular, returned runaway slaves. But other
chiefs didn't.
The
outbreak of the Revolutionary War in 1776 uprooted many landholders
in the Carolinas and Georgia who had remained loyal to the British.
These people -- and their slaves -- took refuge in Florida. But in
the Caribbean and other places, the French and Spanish fought the
British as well. It was only in 1783, with yet another Treaty of Paris,
that all hostilities in the New World ended, at least for a little
while. Once again, the European superpowers traded colonial holdings,
and this time the new American nation also was a participant. And,
while America gained certain fishing rights off the Newfoundland coast,
and other rights regarding passage and exploration along the Mississippi
River, there was one aspect of the treaty that infuriated Americans,
particularly those with land and slaves in Southern states. Spain
had taken Florida back from Britain.
This
meant that runaway slaves were welcome in Florida again. Spain had
no particular stake in the prosperity of the so-called United States.
While America had won its freedom from Britain, the fledgling nation
was far from a global superpower. Spain intended to hang onto Florida
this time.
"This
is where you always start your story, Miss Charles," I said one
afternoon as we sat in her living room. I can't remember what time
of year it was, but the window air conditioner was emitting its usual
roar because it was so hot outside. It almost always is hot in Brackettville.
"Yes,"
she replied sleepily. It was obvious she was tired. I offered to leave,
but she said she wanted to "visit" a little more. "It
happened just like I told you, didn't it?" she asked.
"Just
like you said," I agreed.
The
Spanish began encouraging runaway slaves to go to Seminole villages.
The Indians' lenient tribal system of vassalage suited Spanish aims
perfectly. The blacks would be part of the Seminole, and the Seminole
could help fight Americans if and when it became necessary. By aligning
the Indians and Africans, Spain increased its defenses without having
the responsibility of providing for the runaways.
Outraged
American slave owners in the South did what they could to retrieve
their human property from Florida. They entered into new treaties
with the Creek, and those chiefs promised to return the Florida runaways.
The problem, of course, was that the Seminole now considered themselves
separate from the Creek and in no way bound by that tribe's agreements.
Such Seminole recalcitrance worsened relations between the tribes.
Blacks
living with Indians or in their own camps were commonly called "Maroons"
by the whites. In some history books, the Seminole Negro are identified
only as Maroons. They were also called Black Seminoles or Black Indians.
But Seminole Negro -- the latter word pronounced NAY-gro, not NEE-gro
-- seemed to suit them best.
Early
letters and trading documents describing visits to Seminole Negro
villages describe inhabitants as hard workers. Certainly, the life
they had in Florida with the Seminole was infinitely better than existence
as slaves of white men on their Southern farms and plantations. But
they weren't entirely happy. They were better off than before, but
they still belonged to someone else. They were still property . And
the Seminole, though benevolent masters, had no intention of ever
giving up the slaves they owned.
The
most telling measure of the very real division between the Seminole
and Seminole Negro was the separation of their villages. There was
always space -- a mile, two miles -- between them. Put simply, the
Seminole Negro were considered allies, but not blood kin. The Seminole
clearly felt themselves to be superior.
Such
class distinctions developed over the years. The Seminole Negro spent
these relatively quiet times assimilating some of the Seminole culture
and developing their own. In particular, they gradually created their
own language, Gullah , a mixture of English, Spanish and various African
dialects. Slaves on America's southeastern seaboard also formed variations
of Gullah, and future linguists would spend entire careers rooting
out the origins of individual words.
Seminole
Negro religion incorporated aspects of African faiths, Indian beliefs
and American Christianity. Through the addition of runaways and some
intermarriage with the Seminole, the tribe grew more numerous. Eventually
there were several Maroon towns in northern Florida and along the
Alachua Plains. Perhaps, if left alone, the Seminole Negro would have
indefinitely stayed allied with, but subservient to, the Seminole.
They might eventually have declared their freedom in much the same
way the Seminole separated from the Creek. Certainly there were Maroon
communities in the Caribbean where they would have been taken in,
or they might have established their own lands farther south along
the Florida peninsula, somewhere the Seminole hadn't yet reached and
the Spanish settlers didn't want. But there wasn't enough time for
such possibilities to play out, because a decade into the 1800s, America
decided to take Florida away from Spain, precipitating tragic events
that followed one upon another like bloody footprints across history.
"All
that happened so long ago," Miss Charles commented late in our
first day together. "That's why our kids at Seminole Days don't
want to listen. They think if something's old, it's not important."
Later,
when I'd learned more about her own remarkable history, I thought
Miss Charles could have spent that first day telling me all about
herself -- how she became the first scout descendant to go off to
college, how she earned not only an undergraduate but a graduate degree
as well (this in a time when young black women rarely completed high
school), how she'd spurned opportunities for life in big, exciting
cities to come home to seedy Brackettville and work with her people
there. Miss Charles not only ruled the Scout Association, she'd founded
it. She not only survived segregation in Brackettville, she was eventually
named the town's citizen of the year. Charles Emily Wilson was one
of the first black teachers in Texas to teach integrated classes.
All this, and the only personal reference she made that first day
was how, as a 4-year-old child, she'd cried in 1914 when the Army
marched the Seminole Negro off Fort Clark grounds at gunpoint.
"Willie
Warrior will tell you interesting things in Del Rio tomorrow,"
Miss Charles promised as she escorted me to her front door. "What
we've talked about today is only the beginning of my people's history.
Come back after you've seen Willie."